Языки стран Дальнего Востока, Юго-Восточной Азии и Западной Африки

22 Языки Стран Дальнего Востока, Юго-Восточной Азии и Западной Африки | LESEWA-XIII As we can see from the parameters of the model, the overall correlational coefficient is R = 0, 477, which presents also a medium level of correlation. The coefficient of determination R 2 (R Square) = 0,228, which means that 22,8 % of 过 marking in the experimental text can be explained by the factors in the model. The preliminary analysis of the possible factor combinations showed that among the defined types of aspectual meaning only the “experiential event” is determinative for 过 marking (Beta = 0,469). As for the factor „Type of predicate” we observe statistically significant, although relatively low level of correlation with the variable „telicity” (Beta = 0,076). The other factors do not show significant relevance to the variance of 过 . III. Variation analysis of the marker 着 The marker 着 belongs to the imperfective aspectual zone with its main aspectual function to express durative or simultaneous event (with atelic predicates), or a state/position that has occurred after the accomplishment of a single action (expressed by telic predicates of certain semantic groups). The marker is often used in certin types of fixed syntactic constructions and may convey additional emphatic and modal shades. Implementing the multiple regression method to different combinations of predictor variables, we defined the significant factors that influence the usage of the marker 着 . This model displays higher correlational coefficient R = 654 (which is also in the medium range), and a higher degree of determination: R 2 (R Square) = 0,428, which suggests that 42,8% of 着 marking in the experi- mental text can be explained by the influence of these the factors. The preliminary analysis of the possible factor combinations showed that among the researched variants of event types there are three significant factors — the expression of durative event (Beta = 0,353), simultaneous event (Beta = 0,064), and backgrounded event (Beta = 0,561). The last of them has relatively high determinative coefficient Beta and motivates the explication of the marker 着 . The other independent variables show no significant influence on the usage of the marker. In the current table we have presented the exponents with relatively higher performance for each factor. For example, for the factors “type of predicate” and “type of argument” the analysis displays relatively higher correlation with static predicates, without