Языки стран Дальнего Востока, Юго-Восточной Азии и Западной Африки

17 Tsankova A. D. | Quantitative Survey on the Correlation of Basic Factors for the Functioning... Correlational model I (Fig. 1) presents the dependence of using 了 1 on the expression of completed event with telic predicates, followed by specified (definite) argument in the main clause of a complex sentence, representing the end of the discourse, in a dialogical mode. The model presents relatively higher multiple correlation coefficient R in comparison with other tested models. In this case, the value of R is 0,52 which is standardly determined as a medium level of correlation (from 0,3 to 0,7). The coefficient of determination R 2 (R Square) is 0,271, which means that 27 % of the 了 1 marking depends on the factors, included in the model. The influence of every separate factor within the model is evaluated by the coefficient Beta. We can conclude that the highest degree of influence on 了 1 marking in the model is shared by the factors: (1) type of event —completed event, (2) type of predicate — telic, (3) type of argument — specified. The other three factors in the model are not statistically significant, as their coefficients of significance (Sig.) are higher than the standard error (α = 0,05). 2. The appearance of 了 in phrase-final position (i. e. 了 2 ) can actualize two basic aspectual functions and different modal and emphatic meanings that may be expressed either combined or differentiated in the parameters of the context and the situation of speech. The distinction between the two main aspectual functions of 了 in phrase- final position is based on the type of the predicate. When combined with verbs, denoting actions, 了 2 marks perfect or perfective event, and in such conditions it may appear together with 了 1 in one sentence (e. g. 我买了 水果了 . ʻI’ve bought fruits.ʼ), or be under certain conditions interchange- able with 了 1 (e. g. in the dialogue: — 你昨天做什么 了 ? ʻWhat did you do yesterday?ʼ — 我参观 了 几个博物馆 . ʻI visited some museumsʼ). It is generally assumed that the functional difference between the two markers, laying in their core semantic meaning, is that 了 1 signals “completed and bounded event”, which results in perfective or aorist aspect-tense meaning, while 了 2 marks “currently relevant state”, which in case with dynamic predicates results in perfect event, relevant to the current moment. Apart from that, it is observed that the usage of 了 1 and 了 2 with dynamic predi- cates depends to a great degree on the qualities of the argument (specified or unspecified), and in cases like the last example, the two variants of 了 convey the same aspect-tense meaning. In the absence of arguments, when the verb is in a final position, the two markers naturally overlap and it is assumed that in certain conditions 了 (1 + 2) can combine the functions of both