Проблемы китайского и общего языкознания. К 90-летию С. Е. Яхонтова

 631  The Structure of the Mandarin Syllable: why, when and how to teach it   G). Or, we can determine that the diphthongs * / aü / , * / eü / or a triphthong * / iaü / do not exist, since / / is not allowed as X. Or, we can state that, except for the syllables ending with a nasal, there are no closed syllables, since the consonants / b /, / p / etc. are allowed only as C, and so on. Applying this set of basic rules is only the first step. Additional rules must be applied in order to arrive at the existing Mandarin syllabary: Another set of phonotactic rules operates at a higher level, prohibiting combinations of segments with particular features within a final. First, a neighborhood of high vowels is prohibited (that is, a high main vowel cannot combine with a medial, nor with a vocalic terminal). This rule elimi- nates, as ill-formed, items such as the finals * / iui / , * / u / , * / ui / (remember that -ui is phonologically / uei /, not */ ui /), or * / iu / (remember that -iu is pho- nologically / iou /, not */ iu /). Second, the marginal elements of a triphthong must differ in both features which constitute a contrast between two high vowels (i. e. in the features [ ± back ], [ ± round ]). For example, a triphthong * / ai / is eliminated as ill-formed, as its marginal elements are both [ –back ]. Or a triphthong * / au / is eliminated as ill-formed, as its marginal elements are both [+ round ]. The last set of phonotactic rules operates at yet a higher level, determin- ing the permissible combinations of initials and finals . The constraints are largely dependent on the place of articulation of an initial, and on the category a final belongs to from the four traditional categories of finals, sì hū 四呼 . Let us remind ourselves that the major criterion for placing a final into a particular hū category is the beginning element of a final: it may be ei- ther a high front unrounded vowel / i / — qíchǐ hū 齐齿呼 category, or a back rounded vowel / u / — hékǒu hū 合口呼 category, or a high front rounded vowel / / — cu k u hū 撮口呼 category, or none of them— k ik u hū 开口 呼 category. Let us give some examples of the constraints: the velar initials g, k, h cannot combine with the finals of qíchǐ hū and cu k u hū categories: * / gian /, * / hün / etc. are thus eliminated as ill-formed. The palatal initials j, q, x , on the other hand, cannot combine with the finals of k ik u hū and h k u hū categories: * / qan /, * / xung / etc. and are thus eliminated as ill- formed. All the gaps in the Mandarin syllable inventory mentioned above (e. g. * / nga /, * / müu /, * / gian / ) must be viewed as systematic gaps , since they are eliminated as part of a rule. Furthermore, there are accidental gaps such as the finals * / ang / , * / ien / , the syllables * / fai / , * / len / etc. These forms do not break any rule. The reason why they are missing in the inventory has not yet been discovered, hence their absence has to be viewed as acciden- tal. The phonotactic rules, as well as the systematic and accidental gaps, are