Проблемы китайского и общего языкознания. К 90-летию С. Е. Яхонтова

 464    Christopher I. Beckwith Appendix E Pai-lang Glossary Pai-lang words with relatively clear Tibeto-Burman Etymologies 1 Pai-lang gloss PTB [Benedict 1972] 2 OTib < *PTib bi / bei ‘to give’ biy / bəy o byi- < * bi bjar ‘to fly’ byer ‘fly’; bya ‘bird’ bya ‘bird’ ča ‘sun’ tsyar = tśar ɦ t ar- ‘to rise (sun)’ či / čei ‘what, which’ či ‘id.’ gjoʔ ( gjok ) ‘to bend’ guk / kuk ‘bend’ o gug- jẽw ( jim ) ‘family/home’ kyim / kyum (PLB * yim 1 ) kyim ‘house, home’ kun ‘same/together’ ( m -) kul ‘all’ gun / kun ‘all’ liŋŋa ‘place/direction’ gliŋ ‘ground’ gliŋ ‘region’ lo ‘Lo [ethnonym]’ Klo ‘ethnonym’ loʔ ( lok ) ‘to return’ (Trung lok ‘id.) log- maʔ ( mak ) ‘son/grandson’ mak ‘son-in-law’ mag - ‘son-in-law’ maʔ ( mak ) ‘mother’ ma ma maʔ ( mak ) ‘negative’ ma ma mew ‘heaven’ ( r )- muw =( r -) məw ‘sky’ dmu < *mu ni / nei ‘dwell/residence’ na ‘dwell’ gnas ‘dwell; place’ nji n ‘heart, mind’ s-niŋ sñiŋ pa ‘cloth’ (PLB * pa 1 ) ra n ‘high, tall’ m-raŋ ‘high’ * raŋ roʔ ( rawk ) ‘stone’ brak ‘rock’ brag ‘rock’ ri n ‘long’ s-riŋ ‘long; elongate’ riŋ rja ‘hundred’ r-gya (PLB * ʔrja 1 ) brgya rwi n ‘mountain’ rwiy =( s -) rwəy ‘slope/slant’ ri < * rwi ‘mountain’ sa ‘flesh’ sya = a a siʔ ( sik ) ‘tree, wood’ siŋ (PLB * sik ) iŋ t h wi ‘sweet’ twi ( y ) ti / tei ‘great, big’ tay če < *taj 3 war ‘food’ wa ‘to bite, chew’ 1 No attempt is made here to explain anomalous forms. Some putative Tibeto-Burman words are not reconstructable to PTB. Other words — such as Lolo-Burmese or Tibeto- Burman * im ‘house, home, family’ ~ OTurkic eb ‘id.’ ~ OJapanese ip ‘id.’, the latter two reflecting an oralized nasal intermediary language — seem to be widespread Kulturw rter , the relations of which have not been addressed, let alone elucidated. I have therefore left them out. See [Beckwith 2007: 160–163]. 2 Non-PTB forms in this column are cited after [Coblin 1979], q. v. 3 OTib če [ ʧ h e ]< * tye < * te < PTib * taj .